The Monarchy In Britain
A brief guide
What Power Do They Have?
"I swear by Almighty God that I will be faithful and bear true allegiance to Her Majesty Queen Elizabeth, her heirs and successors, according to law. So help me God."
The oath required of Members of Parliament. Read the others here
Members of Parliament are required to swear an oath of loyalty to the queen, not to the people who elected them and not to a constitution. Those who have refused have been barred from taking their seats in the legislature. Bishops of the Church of England also swear their allegiance to the monarch, rather than to their god or their church. Police officers and soldiers likewise swear loyalty to the Queen, not to the government or their country.
The monarch has the power to:
Choose the Prime Minister.
Dismiss ministers and governments.
Refuse to agree to legislation passed by Parliament.
Dismiss the governments of other countries of which she is monarch.
Pardon convicted criminals.
Declare a state of emergency.
Command the army and raise a personal militia.
The monarch is supposed to be impartial and to do as the government wishes. Walter Bagehot, the nineteenth century economist and author of the influential text on Britain's pretend constitution, The English Constitution, declared that the functions of the monarch were to be consulted, to encourage and to warn the government.
However, the access to information about government business that is denied to the average citizen, and a continuity in office while the elected representatives of the people come and go, certainly provide the potential for a very unfair influence.
All the while the feudal head of state and the other members of her family are exempt from the Freedom Information Act. The Act is intended to keep those in power honest. But Britain's feudal rulers are exempt from a requirement usually considered essential in a modern democracy.
The monarch is able to read a wide range of confidential government documents that are not in the public domain until many years later. These include intelligence service reports that are not shown to other ministers of the government. She or he has frequent visits from the Prime Minister and is consulted on major policy changes and other matters by request.
The right the monarch has to declare a state of emergency when there is civil disorder or she believes that the government is acting unconstitutionally is potentially a very powerful one. Through the un-elected privy council she could issue proclamations which would not be subject to parliamentary approval and which would be enforced by the police and magistrates.
At the start of every session of Parliament the government's programme of legislative business is read to the assembled legislators in what is known as "The Queen's Speech." It is a bizarre spectacle, this queen in a crown and spectacles, uttering words written by another in a monotone voice that has the peculiar accent of her family. But the government is said to be her government and, therefore, it is her programme. If this seems of little consequence, think how it reinforces the notion still strong in Britain that government is rightly the expression of the will of the mighty, rather than of the will of the people.
The monarch's power to appoint the Prime Minister is supposed to be exercised after consultation with leading political personages. So once again a vital decision is not made by the people, nor according to a procedure clearly set out in a written constitution or other law. It is true that more often than not a party has a definite majority in the House of Commons and that party has chosen its leader. It is most unlikely that the monarch would choose another person in such circumstances. But when the position has been less clear cut the monarch has exercised a quite undemocratic discretion in choosing which candidate should head the government.
The monarch dissolves Parliament at the request of the Prime Minister. Constitutional experts say that it would be difficult for the monarch to refuse such a request because to do so would be to become a partisan figure. However, in the absence of a written constitution there is nothing but convention to prevent it. And the same is true of all powers that the monarch holds. We have no guarantee as to how they will be used. What we are sure of is that they deny the people the primacy of regard and power that they should have in a democracy.
As head of state the monarch is the chief representative of Britain at home and abroad. The present queen is however the least representative figure one could imagine. Her experience of life is quite unique and unhealthily limited in scope. Her family can never give expression to the social and ethnic variety of the country and nor could any single family. To the rest of the world she portrays a nation that is trapped in a feudal time warp.
Son of Monarch Vetoes Laws He Does Not Like
And it is not just the hereditary head of state who interferes in the government of the country. Charles Windsor, who is to be imposed as the head of state on the death of his mother, has made numerous attempts, as a report in the Financial Times put it, to “shape policy”. During the time of the last Labour Party government he attempted to have his way on government policy on genetically modified crops, relations with China and fox hunting, among other topics. Hand written letters to government ministers were one of his methods. Apparently the Prime Minister did not object so much to that but was unhappy that Windsor used the news media when he could not get his way by such direct approaches.
After the change of government in 2010 Windsor met with ministers at least 9 time in 10 months to discuss such matters as climate change, the health of trees and fishing. The details of these discussions are secret.
More of his tactics were revealed when Windsor used his “royal” status and his friendship with the feudal rulers of Qatar to block a property development that he disliked and which the Qataris were financing. Legal proceedings forced into the light of day just how Britain's feudal system allows him to use hereditary privilege to get what he wants.
In 2011 a report by the Guardian newspaper revealed that Mr. Windsor has a right that few had known about before. The head of state's son is able to veto proposed legislation if it affects his private interests, particularly those to do with the Duchy of Cornwall. Under the country's pretend constitution the son of the head of state receives an annual income of more than £18m from the property and investments owned by the Duchy.
According to the newspaper, Mr. Windsor has been asked for his permission for the passing of “at least a dozen government bills”. These bills have covered road safety, gambling, the Olympic Games , co-operative societies, economic development, housing, energy and planning reform.
Both the government and the Windsor family have refused to reveal details of the laws or the reasons for asking Mr. Windsor’s permission, apart from this statement by a Downing Street spokesperson. But the Guardian reported that in one case a government minister wrote to Windsor asking for his agreement to a law on planning reform because it was “capable of applying to (Windsors’) private interests”.
Windsor Legislators Removed
Five members of the family had until 1999 a right to a seat in the second chamber of the legislature, the House of Lords. They were the Prince of Wales and the Dukes of Edinburgh, York, Gloucester and Kent. The reform of the House of Lords ended that right. However, the government offered to make these five men life peers in order that they might continue to be legislators-for-life. They refused the offer.
The monarch is the ceremonial head of the British commonwealth. She is also the queen of a number of Commonwealth nations which have not become republics.
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